Thursday, 28 March 2019

South Sudan First Pilot


South Sudan First Pilot

By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

Pilot Mading Riak in a Police Uniform Wau  1992
In 1936, the South Sudanese first Pilot Mading Riak was born in Eastern Lakes State, in a village called Aher. He is number four (4) of seven (7) siblings from Apaak clan of Yirol West. Mading Riak and his youngest brother Yuot Riak were the only siblings sent to school by their father Riak Amojpei. He started his Primary School in Aher and Akot villages respectively where he was baptized by name Mathew, but he rarely used this name. He finished his Intermediate School in Loka by 1953 and in 1954 he joined Rumbek Secondary School. In 1959 he left for Ethiopia through Nasir town in Upper Nile State now Latjur State. In Ethiopia he was trained as an airplane and a jet fighter pilot by Ethiopian Air Force where Americans were his tutors. This course made him not only the first South Sudanese to fly an airplane but the first South Sudanese to fly a jet fighter too.

In 1964 Pilot Mading Riak returned to Khartoum on the invitation of Hassan Abbas, the Sudanese minister of defense. Instead to fly a jet fighter, Mading Riak was given a job at el Gazera scheme in the middle of Sudan to fly agricultural aircraft used for crop duster spray. However, he left the job and immediately returned to Ethiopia but he continued his journey to Congo.

In 1963, South Sudan Liberation Movement known as Anya-nay was formed under Commandership of Joseph Lagu. However, the movement was in lack of weapons that they decided to join the Congolese army as mercenaries in their fight against the Simba (lion) rebels. In order to acquire weapons for the Anya-nya rebels, Mathew Mading Riak and some other young Southern Sudanese men decided to join the Belgium Congo army as mercenaries. Prime Minister Moise Tshombe of Congo appointed Mathew Mading Riak as a Captain in the Congolese army.

In 1965, Mading Riak met with other young South Sudanese men who also came through Congo, Kenya and Uganda seeking refuge in Tanzania. They were living in a refugee camp called Mungulani a few kilometers away from Dar es Salaam the Capital City of Tanzanian. Mading was a person when you first meet him you immediately like him. Mading Riak was popular, lovely and funny among South Sudanese who were living in the camp. He used to say to his South Sudanese friends that he is going to America to fly jets.

During their staying in the camp and in one day, they were asked to see a man who was responsible of refugees ‘affairs in Tanzanian. Fifteen (15) of South Sudanese young men were asked to meet this man. Mading Riak was the representative and their ring leader. Mading was suspicious and said, you know what the Sudanese Minister of Foreign Affairs was here two days last week. May be he has made a deal with the government of Tanzania to have us returned to Khartoum. Other Southern Sudanese in schools in this country have been brought back to Dar es Salaam.

Mading Riak and the rest of South Sudanese young men were standing before the man. The man asked “Why are you in Tanzania? What is wrong with Sudan?” Mading Riak stepped forward and answered, Sir, you know there is war going on in Sudan and that the Christians and Africans from Southern Sudan are being persecuted by the Muslims and Arabs from Northern Sudan. The defending case for fifteen (15) South Sudanese asylum seekers did not went well. The case was rejected by the man who was responsible for refugees’ affairs. He refuted that Muslims are peace-loving people and they are here in this country and they never fight with anyone how come they are different in Sudan?

After the meeting with man responsible of refugee’s affairs, Mading and other South Sudanese were ordered to leave Tanzania immediately without delay. The South Sudanese young men left Tanzania for Uganda, Kenya and Congo. Some of them were lucky to find their way to Europe through Christian missionaries and Mathew Mading Riak went to USA through Zambia.

In USA, after completing a preparatory course at Lincoln University (1965-66), Mathew Mading Riak was offered a place to study history at the Ohio State University in 1967. He worked as a flight instructor for a private aviation company in California until 1973. It was reported that during Vietnam War (1955-1975) in which America did involve in 1965, Pilot Mathew Mading Riak participated in this war as a jet fighter pilot. His plane was shut down and he went missing for 14 days but he was found alive with minor wounds on his leg and returned to America. However, this information need further investigation and confirmation.

In 1973, Pilot Mading Riak returned to the Sudan hoping to join Sudan Airways, but instead he took up instructor assignment with East African Airways in Soroti, Uganda. He finally returned to Sudan in 1974 and joined the High Executive Council (HEC)’s general secretariat as a pilot for the HEC until the dawn of the kokora in June 1983. One upon a time, the HEC Pilot Mading Riak did a very funny thing, without knowledge of the HEC’ general secretariat and Juba airport authority.

He informed his village people to clear a running way for landing and indeed he landed and made a history for the first time a plane landed in Alukluak. It was widely assumed that he was missing and that his plane crashed somewhere in the Southern Sudan bushes.

Pilot Mading Riak was a cattle reputed man, he used to enjoy stay at cattle camp in Juba and that he was the cattle camp-leader for one of the cattle camps around Juba. He used to move with his cattle camp throughout the year from season to season from Nyaieng (Juba Na’ Bari) northern Bari to Jebel Dinka South West of Juba. He was as well one of the founders of Thongpiny area, unfortunately his land disappeared in mess.



In the distribution of the regional government’s assets, the plane was allotted to Upper Nile State, but as a citizen of Yirol, Pilot Mading Riak went to Bahr el Ghazal. In 1986, on the request of Mathew Obur, the president of the Southern Council in Khartoum, Pilot Mading Riak was appointed as a police officer. He had a police officer’s training course and was commissioned as a lieutenant colonel to the council.

Mathew Obur had planned to procure a plane for his administration, but Mading Riak continued and progressed in the police force to the rank of brigadier in 1992. When he was purged by the National Islamic Front (NIF)’s regime, Mading decided to join the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, SPLA in 1997. In the movement he volunteered as a teacher at Mapuordit School.

Mading Riak married to seven (7) wives, he married his first wife in 1973 and the last one was in 1991. He was blessed with children and grandchildren. He died and laid in rest in his village Aluakluak, Yirol West in July 2001.


References

1.      Akuemchol A. Jebel Dinka’ in Juba is not a new name, available at southsudan.wordpress.com, accessed March 6, 2019
2.      Kuyuk A, (2015). South Sudan the Notable Firsts, pp. (367-368). Author House, UK   
3.      Jacob A, (2005). The Story of a Lost Sudanese Boys of Sixties, Paulins Publication, Kenya


Thursday, 15 November 2018

Roles and Benefits of Workers Trade’s Union of Petroleum and Mining in South Sudan


By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

The Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011 on Freedom of Assembly and Association, article 25 (1) says: the right to peaceful assembly is recognized and guaranteed; every person shall have the right to freedom of association with others, including the right to form or join political parties, associations and trade or professional unions for the protection of his or her interests.

The conventional role of a trade union is to improve the wages and conditions of members under which they are operating. In saying that, the WORKERS’ Trade Union of Petroleum and Mining (WTUPM) under supervision of South Sudan Workers’ Trade Union was formed in October 21, 2017. The potential role of the WTUPM is to protect and promote the rights of the petroleum and mining workers by:

-        Securing social, economic justice and development for all workers
Fight vigorously for standard of living, social security and fair conditions of work for all
-        Facilitating and coordination education and training of all workers so as to further the interest of the working class
-        Conduction, coordination and publishing research into matters affecting workers.    

Through peaceful negotiation, the WTUPM is able to secure workers ‘demands and rights. It is as well mandated to improve communication between employees and management to facilitate the understanding and commitment to union’s objectives.

In normal practice, the main weakness of newly established union such as the WTUPM is the reluctances, making the cooperation a challenge between union and management of oil and mining companies and concern institutions in the country. In such unions, the first reasons click to management’s mind are strikes and demonstrations. However, the pivotal role of the WTUPM is to address the workers conditions in cooperation with the management in such that to delay and prevent destructive strikes and demonstrations to occur.

Positively, members of the WTUPM understand the importance working and stick to laws, rules and objectives of the Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan 2011, Constitution of the WTUPM 2017, Labor Act 2017, Workers Trade Unions and Organizations Act 2013, Petroleum and Mining Act 2012.    

Working with recognized trade union such as the WTUPM can bring many benefits to company and indeed to employers. The benefits range from building trust among the workforce, ensure workplaces are safe to audit non-compliance with labor codes, improve staff retention and from promote equality, provide access to learning and skills, save money and increase productivity.

The government represented by ministry of petroleum, ministry of labor, ministry of mining, ministry of justice and ministry of environment have already expressed their supports cooperation with the union. The Nile Petroleum Cooperation (NILEPET) and indeed all oil operating companies did the same.  

So far, the WTUPM has conducted couple of workshops on awareness raising of the Petroleum and Mining workers on extractive laws and safety regulations in South Sudan. The union is shading more awareness on its objectives, roles and activities in the coming four years.   

Enforcement of all constitutions, laws, rules and acts organizing and governing the WTUPM by the government, oil and mining companies and indeed by the WTUPM is essential. Cooperation between the WTUPM and the management of oil and mining companies operating in the country is significant to improve the workers conditions in terms of wages, loans, training and other related benefits. This reduces mosquito principles against management and helps motivate workers and increase productivity.


Wednesday, 5 September 2018

South Sudan: The Impacts of Oil Activities on Communities Inside Oil Operation Zones


By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

The American Oil Company Chevron discovered the oil in Southern Sudan at the end of 1970s and tried to utilize it. However, in 1984 the company stopped its activities because of the war that stared in 1983 between the government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M). During fighting, the government of Sudan used not to consult with local communities when oil companies want to work in their villages. After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) which was signed in 2005, these practices had stopped and communities are consulted when their land is to be used by the oil companies.

After independence in 2011, South Sudan holds more than 75% of the total oil reserves of the previous Sudan. New consortia (operating companies) were formed for oil production and further exploration. South Sudan created Nile Petroleum Corporation (NILEPET) to replace Sudan Petroleum Corporation (SUDAPET) in consortia. With Dar Petroleum Operating Company (DPOC) operating in Northern Upper Nile State, Sudd Petroleum Operating Company (SPOC) and Greater Pioneer Operating Company (GPOC) are operating in Ruweng State and Northern Liech State respectively. 

Oil fields facilities were built in the areas of Melut, Pariang and Tharjath. These facilities include, rigs, pipelines, roads, oil base camps (OBC), wells, electrical power lines, power plant, oil manifold gatherings (OGM), airports, etc. All these facilities were built on communities’ lands as a result they were forced to leave their lands and villages to oil companies. Usually, communities who lost their lands and villages relocate to nearby villages. In new residents, they are not allowed to own a land but only build houses or cultivate. Some communities relocate to nearby towns where they experience difficulties in coping with the urban life that includes owning a plot, schools for children in addition to the daily live expenses.

Communities living inside oil operation zones are faced by the impacts and challenges of oil activities such as impact on environment, loss of lands or villages. Since oil exploration still active, many villages might be lost to oil companies as well. Thus, the communities inside oil operation zones should have been compensated and benefited as a result of oil discovery and activities in their lands.

The most challenge of all is the open disposal of the production water and dumping yards. As a result, the community members settling inside operation zones complain of premature births and frequent rate of abortion among the pregnant women, skin rushes, nausea and headaches with no clear reasons. However, these complains need to be confirmed by intensive health investigation in their areas.  

Currently, the main complaints from the communities inside oil operation zones, relate to compensation for the loss of lands that is been used by the oil industry as a result of its expansion. Compensation is only done when new project is been executed such as new well construction and flow line and then compensation is only paid to affected villages. However, there is no compensation for the road constructed, electricity power lines and crude pipelines from oil fields inside South Sudan through Sudan to Port Sudan. Those facilities have the major share in encroachment to community lands and which were built during war.

The affected village reports any oil activity on their piece of land to Oil Company, which in turn reports the issue to a Committee at County level. This committee then follows the process till the amount is paid to the County Committee.

With the expansion of the oil activities, the rate of lands lost to oil companies and environmental impacts have already become a daily debate topic. Furthermore, loss of villages and agriculture lands of the communities are seriously impacting negatively on their livelihood. For instance, primary and secondary schools, hospitals and clinics and water plants projects were executed. However, these projects represent a very small portion of benefits communities should have received since oil exploitation started by 1993.

Based on the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011 and Petroleum Act 2012, mandate the government of South Sudan and all partners involved in the oil business to protect the right of communities whose lands is used by oil companies, labors and the environment.  Constitution gives the right as well of peaceful union of workers and thus, the WORKERS’ Trade Union of Petroleum and Mining was formed in October 2017. The main objective of the union is to talk on behave of workers’ rights of petroleum and orient them to claim their rights based on the constitution.

The impacts of oil activities on communities inside oil operation zones need to be addressed carefully. Relocation plan would have reduce the impacts mainly on human and environment. New villages with full services need to be built to relocate communities who are still residing inside oil operation zones and who lost their lands to outside oil operation zones. Therefore, there should be a clear compensation mechanism by the government at national and county level with cooperation of oil operating companies.

Development projects for oil communities to gain full benefits of oil discovery in their areas should be the top priority of the government of the Republic of South Sudan (ministry of petroleum, ministry of environment and ministry of labor). This contributes into sustainable operation of the oil and sustainable human development in the oil operation areas and indeed in the whole of South Sudan.

Saturday, 24 March 2018

Andrew Makur Thow (1942-2018)


By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai 

Anya Nya 1 Freedom Fighter and Politician

Andrew Makur Thow was born in 1942 in Yirol, Bahr el Ghazal. He started his education locally in Pankar Elementary School (1954-1958), Tonj Intermediate School (1958-1962), and Rumbek Secondary School (1962-1964). However, he left his studies in 1964 and joined the Anya Nya 1 movement, where he was trained and commissioned as an officer. He proved to be a stringent guerrilla fighter. He had further military training by the Israelis in 1970, and he progressed within Anya Nya 1 until he became the leading commanding officer and deputy to Commander Philip Nanga in Lakes District, Bahr el Ghazal. In 1968, Cdr Andrew Makur Thow became the overall commander in Lakes District. In 1972, he was one of the Anya Nya 1 senior officers who attempted to dissuade General Joseph Lagu from rectifying the Addis Ababa Agreement (AAA).

After the AAA, he was absorbed in the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) as a lieutenant colonel. He served and commanded several battalions in many parts of South Sudan, including the 111th Infantry Battalion in Rumbek (1972-1975), the 105th Infantry, Bor (1975), and the 110th Infantry, Aweil (1976). He was promoted to colonel in 1978 and assigned as 1st Division; Cdr, 12th, Infantry Brigade, Wau (1979-1981); Cdr, Borders Forces; director of military research (1988-1989); and director of the Military Statistics Unit, Khartoum (1989).

The SAF, under the command of Col Andrew Makur Thow, were involved in providing security in the inter-tribal conference between Dinka and Rezeigat Arabs in Sahaha and Babanousa (1977). As an officer in the SAF, he underwent many courses: senior staff and command course, obtaining his master’s degree in military science, Khartoum (1976-1977); national defense studies at High Military Academy, Khartoum (1992); and all courses in Infantry. Major General Andrew Makur Thow is a highly decorated officer. He has nine military and non-military awards.

He held many senior constitutional positions in the regional governments. He was appointed vice president of High Executive Council (HEC) and regional minister of industry, commerce and supply in the government of General Gismalla Abdalla Rasas (October 5, 1981 and June 23, 1982). He held the same ministerial position in the government of the Transitional High Executive Council (THEC) under headship 1st Lt. Gen. Abdel Rahman Mohamed Hassan Sowar Al-Daha, Khartoum (1985-1986). He was elected Member of Parliament (MP) for South Sudan Political Association (SSPA) to represent Bahr el Ghazal graduates in the Constituent Assembly, Omdurman (1986-1989). However, in 1989 he resigned from parliament because Lt Gen Abdel Majid Ahmed Khalil, the minister of defense, recalled him into the army rank of major general. In July 1989 he was appointed governor of Bahr el Ghazal region, Wau (1989-1991).

In 1992, General Andrew Makur Thow was invited to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as ambassador, and he served in many senior ambassadorial positions: director general, administration and finance, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Khartoum (1991-1992); Sudan’s ambassador to Russia, Moscow (1992-1996); director, Crisis Management Department, Khartoum, (1996-1997); director general, Bilateral Relations (1997-1998); director general, Planning and Information (1999); and the Sudan’s ambassador to Rome (1991-2003). In December 2003 Major General Makur Thow was transferred to the Ministry of Khartoum.

After Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), Major General Andrew Makur Thow, a member of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), was appointed as presidential advisor in the Government of National Unity (GoNU), Khartoum (2005-2011). After Independence, he was appointed eminent member of the national dialogue 2016 until he died in March 13, 2018. General Makur Thow bless with great family and have children and grandchildren.

By his death, Major Gen. Andrew Makur Thow has left behind a big void to South Sudan leadership. Such a prominent leader with multiple tasks; intelligent military man, politician, diplomat, and indeed a peace maker not easy to find.

Adopted from:
Kuyuk A, (2015). South Sudan the Notable Firsts, pp. (247-248). Author House, UK   

Friday, 24 November 2017

Who are the People called Atuot and where did they come from?

By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

I am not anthropologist but as an Atuot (Apak) native I am interesting and eager to share the uniqueness of Atuot people as many are confused how come they are Dinka and they speak language very similar to Nuer? What is their origin and where did they come from? How they combined Dinka and Nuer ethnicities? I feel curious and would love to attempt answering the above questions on the following paragraphs about Atuot people of Western Yirol.

An American scholar John W. Burton (1952-2013) conducted anthropological fieldwork among the Atuot people as they narrated to him in 1970s. John was graciously helped by renowned South Sudanese ambassador, diplomat and scholar, Dr. Francis Mading Deng. His study was one of the best anthropology biographies done on people but need more elaboration from Atuot people themselves.

A number of Nilelots elder people said that all the people-Dinka, Nuer and Atuot-came from a place called adekdit, a Dinka term with a most interesting meaning. In colloquial usage it refers to a body of water so vast a bird would be unable to cross its expanse without dying. Adekdit for Nilelotes could referred to Mediterranean Sea or Red Sea. They claimed have had come from where the Sun shines and from the north. When Arabs and Muslims invaded northern Sudan through Red Sea and Egypt at around 700s, the Nilelotes were pushed back to the South of Khartoum. At around 1500s, the Funj kingdom conquered much of Sudan and indeed the Dinka, Shilluk, Nuer and Azande lands were also affected. After collapsed of Funj kingdom, the Nilelotes have officially separated for the Funj kingdom but again Sudan is conquered by Turkish, Egypt and British between 1821 and 1955.

After they have lived in Adekdit long time ago around creation, the Nilelotes stayed in a camp called Akorthaar or Akorlil. As usual traditions of the more pastoral South Sudanese Nilelotes, the initial cause of dispute which led to separation occurred in relations to cattle. After some time of harmony, the Nilelotes separated and it was not cleared when the separation occurred? Most of the Nilelotes people count back their ancestors down to seven or eight. Assume the average age of each ancestor is 60 years then the separation should have occurred around 1537. However, this assumption need more research and elaboration from Nilelotes anthropologists.

The literal translation of the name Akorthaar is 'under the tree called akor'. Akorlil can be glossed as 'at the tree called akor in the type of pasture called lil' or 'the place of the fight in lil. The Adok and Nuong peoples of western Nuerland refer to the same camp as Tharjath, 'under the tree'.

John W. Burton traced the origin of Atuotland in his writings that the present area of Atuot settlement used to share the boundaries with the Shilluk kingdom. He further added that the original place of the Luo was south of Yirol in what is now Atuotland. At the time the Atuot started invading the land and hard fighting ensued, under Dimo's grandson Ajak the Jo Luo left the land of their birth for good. It was estimated that Nuer and Atuot have resided the area west of Shambe (harbor at White Nile river east of Yirol) and to the north and west, the Shilluk at around 1650s.

'Who are the people called Atuot'?
Atuot is divided into two main sections: Reel and Apak, Reel is classified to Luac, Jilek, Akot, Rorkec and Kuek. The Apak are an exception to this classification in a number of ways. Their language can correctly be called 'Dinka'. They are the largest Atuot section and the least ethnically homogenous.

The texts presented below are representative of a great many others collected by John W. Burton in response to the question 'where did the Atuot first come from?'
An elder chief of the Kuek Atuot, Barnaba Madeo Bol Angui, replied,

There is always a certain amount of envy and enmity between brothers. The words we hear from the old people when we were children say we were part of Nuer. They were brothers, Reel and Nuer, and had a quarrel over the bead called tik yang. Reel could not find the bead once and accused Nuer that his cow had swallowed it. Reel said the cow would have to be killed so the bead could be retrieved. This was done, but they found that the cow had not eaten it. Then they fought, but later settled by making an oath. They said if we stay together we will always go on killing each other, so Reel left. Reel left a bull (tut) tethered in the camp then rounded up the families to move by night. When Nuer later returned to the camp and heard the bull crying, he thought Reel was still about. He stayed for one day but then realized that Reel had left and was already too far away to follow. Reel went until the people came to this place and lived in the cattle camp called Panther (a Dinka term meaning the ancient home).  

A second variant, collected among the Luac Atuot, also suggests the initial dispute which led to separation involved cattle,

At one time the father of Nuer and Reel became very old and he told his sons to come early in the morning to his bedside so he could divide his cow and calf between them. They left together but Nuer went off on his own a short while later because he had arranged to meet a woman. Reel came very early the next morning and took the calf, while Nuer appeared much later in the day because he had been with his woman. He found that only the old cow remained. Then the father died. Nuer later accused Reel of stealing the calf but Reel retorted that if Nuer did not know where it was he had better remain quiet. They killed and ate the old cow and then departed. Because they had eaten together they vowed never to fight each other.

A third variant, collected from the Akot Atuot elder told me,

Long ago we were Nuer. One of the sons was killed and the others left Akorlil and crossed through the Ceic Dinka area. When they came to Panther they found Luac and Kuek already there. Luac gave them a daughter to marry and they became in-laws.

The last variant, number of additional texts were collected from chiefs of the Nuong and Adok Nuer, peoples with whom some sections of Atuot share inland dry-season pastures. They can be summarized as follows:

One time a cow of Jagei (Nuer) swallowed a bead belonging to Tuot (Atuot). The cow had been tethered in the camp and left behind when the other cows were released for grazing because it was calving. Tuot claimed that since the cow of Jagei had swallowed the bead, it would have to be cut open to bring it out. This was done but the bead was not found. At the time no one had seen a kite swoop down and make off with the bead, tik yang. Jagei became very angry with Tuot because the cow was to have given birth but was now dead. He demanded to fight with Tuot, who refused, and suggested instead that he would replace the dead animal with three healthy cows of his own. Jagei refused and once more demanded to fight. Tuot persisted for a settlement but to no avail. Tuot then decided to leave the camp secretly to avoid a fight. He tethered a bull in the camp to deceive Jagei into thinking he had not left. The next day Tuot was already far away, leaving behind him his father Reel and his younger brother Thiang. Thiang later refused to stay with his brother Jagei when he learned how he had mistreated Tuot. Thiang crossed the Bahr-el-Jebel. The father Reel stayed with Jagei and died in western Nuerland. Tuot later became known as Atuot and went to live where Atuot now stay. The Nuer used to be called Reel because their father was Reel.

From the above the texts, it was cleared that Reel was the younger son without a wife, eager to increase his number, since he makes off with the cow calf, a symbol for the potential growth of a family and herd. The texts shown clearly that it was Atuot who left the Nuerland and common sense would attest to this since the Nuer are ten to twelve times as numerous as the Atuot. It is curious however, that in the Atuot language the term nuer means 'human being' while in Dinka and Nuer the term raan (human being) is employed.

As noted, Atuot share in common this quasi-historical account of their migration from Nuerland. However, there is considerable disparity in the more numerous tales which explain the origin of each section and clans within sections. These convey the impression that there was a greater amount of movement across 'tribal boundaries' than has commonly been accepted. For example, the Apak section includes clans which claim hereditary descent from the ancestor Reel, from peoples who migrated into Apak territory from Bor Dinkaland on the east bank of the Nile as well as others who initially came from equatoria areas, to the south.

In broad perspective the more general process of migration and eventual re-settlement would seem to have entailed similar events. The initial Atuot immigrants exploited the resources of the riverine pastures which extend from Atuotland into western Nuerland en route south. Having established some number of cattle camps in what is now Atuotland, indigenous blacksmiths and trappers 'became' Atuot through inter-marriage.

Linguistic authorities classified Atuot language as a 'dialect cluster' of the Nuer language, but a little difficulty is realized between western Nuer and Atuot dialect. The Atuot then was a section of the Nuer who are today separated from them by Dinka tribes.

Atuot people do not call themselves with this name but they go by Reel and Apak. However, there are many stories about the origin term of Atuot. In the Nuer language ngut atuot refers to a 'bull kept for service; not to be castrated' and gatuot, 'aristocrat, the most noble of the tribe' this translates the compound word gatatuot as 'sons of chiefs or bulls. Among the western Dinka, atuot can refer to a type of cow with especially wide-spreading horns, thought to originate in Atuotland. In the Atuot, Nuer and Dinka languages the noun tuot refers to the spur- winged goose.

The scholar John W. Burton added in his research regarding the origin of Atuot name, he said, Dowait was mentioned as the name of the man who remained in the home land at the head of a group of Luo, while the rest emigrated. The homeland, according to general Luo custom, was probably PaDowait, place of Dowaat', a name which was then or later became the designation of the whole group which remained behind. Possibly or mainly under Dinka influence, the name underwent a gradual change: Pa- Dowiit became Pa-Dowaat and Pa-Dwot; then (P) Aduot and Atwot.

It has come to my attention and from the anthropology study done by John W. Burton that Atuot people went through many ethnical and linguistic changes but their Reel language still very much sound like Nuer language. This clearly proved their uniqueness, they speak Reel and face no difficulties to speak Dinka. Therefore, it’s well accepted that Reel is a clan within Atuot people, but the question is who are Reel within Atuot people? This question needs more research and if any of Atuot’s sections narrated its original until last to Reel that could the Reel within Atuot. 

The current Atuot people area were inhabitants by hunters and blacksmiths who also become part of Atuot people ancestors. It was not mentioned what was the ethnicity and language of those hunters and blacksmiths. However, it seems they have come from nearby areas of Dinka Ciec, Dinka Bor, Equatoria (Mundari and Moro) and Dinka Agar. In this regard, the current Atuot people is a combination of several ethnicity groups, Nuong and Adok Nuer, Dinka and Equatoria people.
No question, Atuot ethnicity has merged into Dinka from long time ago and thus their songs, proverbs and poets are all in Dinka language. Their cattle are not kept in Luaks as Nuer people are doing, their food, their homes and other social activities are the same with other Lakes people. Atuot cultural activities is completely dominated by Dinka who’s their origin if not all from Nuer of Nuong and Adok.

Atuot people with their uniqueness has transformed throughout history and become Dinka of Yirol West as they are now.  During British administration in Sudan, Atuot administration has been relocated several times to Upper Nile (Bor district), Equatoria as they looks similar to Mundari tribe and lastly to Bahr el Ghzal Yirol West. Atuot then has become known as the administration name of Yirol West with its six sections, Apaak, Kuek, Rorkec, Akot, Jilek and Luac.

Source:


John W. Burton.  Atuot Ethnicity: An Aspect of Nilotic Ethnology, Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 51, No. 1 (1981), pp. 496-507, Cambridge University Press. 

Wednesday, 20 September 2017

Electricity Service?: Not Yet True For South Sudan

By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

The basic requirement of any country’s sustainable economic development is access to abundant and reliable electricity supply. A country without access to a proper electricity service her economy is described as floating. Electricity is a prime mover of any economy, without it, factories do not operate, modern equipment such as computers may not function.  Furthermore, health institutions cannot perform their duties at day/night times, students cannot do their home works at day/night times as well.

Electricity improves quality of living standard both in urban and rural areas. By powering offices, schools and household appliances we ensure comfortable working place for staff. Outdoor and street lighting provide safe movement and reduce criminal’s activities at night times. However, lack of access to financial capital is the most challenge facing government of South Sudan to establish sustainable electricity supply. Overall country’s security remains a priority if not the extreme requirement to all sustainable economic development.

Electricity is produced by South Sudan Electricity Corporation from thermal sources with diesel being the only available fossil fuel used for electricity generation. There is no strategic reserve fuel stock to facilitate emergency stockpiling. This represents a number of limitations in terms of large investments and restrictions in coverage – currently only 1% of the population, including the government, have access to intermittent electricity supplies. There are 3 small diesel generation units installed in Juba, Wau and Malakal with maximum capacity of 17 MW, 8 MW and 5 MW respectively. There are also other small scale diesel generation installed in Rumbek, Bor, Yambio and Renk.

The current total operational capacity is less than 20 MW with only 17,000 customers connected to 3 localized distribution networks. Electricity is strictly supplied to industrial or commercial users in which there is no transmission grid existed, except that operating in Northern Upper Nile State to only supply electric power to central oilfield facilities. Due to common breaks of electric power and shortage of diesel, citizens, commercials users, health centers, schools, non-governmental organizations and even government are shifting to electricity based solar panels. It looks like solar energy systems can make relatively good business in Juba and other areas in South Sudan.

Initially and according to the United Nations, there are levels of the quantity of electricity required to meet our daily basic needs.


–     First, Base level (50-100 kWh): This electricity is used to supply basic needs such as cooking, heating, lighting, communication, healthcare and education


–     Second,  Productive Level (500 kWh): This energy is used to improve productivity for instance, water pumping for irrigation, fertilizer manufacture, mechanized tilling, agricultural processing, cottage industry, and transport fuel

–     Third, West Level (2000 kWh): Standards of those living in the West required to number of domestic appliances, increased demands for cooling and heating (space and water) and private transportation

–     Unclassified Level (16 kWh): Standard use in South Sudanese to meet daily basic needs per person. This quantity of electricity is insufficient and substantially less than neighboring countries to meet the basic needs. The following are recommendations to be considered for sustainable electricity generation and supply in South Sudan:


–     Incorporate other primary energy sources to the electricity mix and support the government plan to divert some crude oil into electricity generation–     Identify hydro power sites to construct dams for electricity generations and water irrigation system
–     Attain and promote the further possibility of obtaining international funding and expertise with which to build the electricity sector and incorporate renewable energy
–     Develop an electricity sector which can be well-ingratiated with neighboring grids so that the country can become a net electricity exporter
–     Also allow for the import of electricity which serves to facilitate access and the security of electricity supply

If such electricity is produced via renewable (predominately hydro power) then more quantities of crude oil could be exported, strengthening its position as a net energy exporter and using profits to further develop and integrate other types of infrastructure connections with other countries. In addition, and for all above, any electrification project is harmonized across the various government levels and non-governmental bodies – from the city and municipalities to the counties down to the Payams and Bomas.

Development of energy policy should launch renewable based energy policies to either protect or take advantage of the country’s rich resources in a sustainable manner. Despite holding sizable quantities of oil, South Sudan is facing a severe energy access crisis with only 1% of the population able to access mains electricity. Diesel oil is currently the principal provider of energy but is far from a sustainable or practical option. Renewable energy resources are plentiful with hydroelectricity providing 24453 GWh, biomass, biogas and waste 9134 GWh collectively, and solar energy capable of supplying electricity up to 4183 TWh.

Large-scale infrastructural development should be one of the country’s top priorities particularly expansion of electricity provision. This needs to be done via an increase generation, transmission and distribution of sustainable and reliable electricity. The target number of customers receiving electricity is hoped to go from 22,000 to 48,000. Installed capacity is likewise expected to rise from 27.4 to 96.4 MW. The aim is to increase power supply to state capitals to 50 MW from the 2010 baseline of 30 MW.


Wednesday, 5 July 2017

Henry Yuot Riak (1945-2017)

By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

Agriculturist and University Servant

Yuot Riak the last born of Mr. Riak Amocepei and Mrs. Ipuoc Madat was a brother to Pilot and Police Officer Mathew Madding Riak. He was born in 1945 in Aluakluak Village, Yirol, Lakes District, Bahr el Ghazal and was baptized by name Henry in school. He started his education in Akot Elementary School (1958-1962), Tonj Intermediate School (1962-1966), he entered Rumbek Secondary School(1966-1970). He was admitted to University of Juba by 1980 where he graduated with Bachelor of Science (Honors) at the College of Natural Resources and Environmental Studies (Crop Science) in 1986.

He started working as agricultural officer in Agricultural Research’s Sachem Sinnar from 1971 to 1976. Then he served in various positions in South Sudan: from 1976 to 1980 he served as Agriculture Assistance, Seed Programme for Program Development Unit (PDU) funded by the World Bank, Western Equatoria, Yei. He served as agricultural inspector at the Ministry of Agricultural and Animal Resources in the regional government of Western Barh El Ghazal State Wau, from 1989 to 1991. And from 1991 to 1993 he served as first-commissioner for Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC), Wau.

When University of Bahr el Ghazal established in 1991 he joined the University by 1993 as a deputy director for Investment and Agricultural Production. By 1997 he was attached to University of Upper Nile,another new established university as Director for Investment Projects in Renk Upper Nile State. He returned to University of Bahr el Ghzaal as Director for Investment from 2003 to 2017.

Mr. Henry invested his time on his children, three boys and one girl and all are university graduates. He used to tell his children Iwill support your education up to university level. Indeed, he did fulfill what he said. He was a great coach, he was closely following the performance of his children in schools. He used to visit the class of each of his children to get feedback. His leadership will continue beyond his family because he believes good leadership starts at home. He has prepared his children for tomorrow leaders.

His wife Alak Maguen did not go to school but she was the one monitoring and put their children into schools. He taught his beloved wife that at seven year a child must be put into school, she understood the lesson and did it properly. He used to teach his children and he made himself as their private teacher at home. He start with his elder son Dr. Ater YuotRiak (Ph.D.) who in turn became a teacher to his younger brothers and sister. His children are always at top ten in their classes in the school. This has taught his children that sharing a little knowledge you have with others is a great achievement. Now his elder son Mr. Ater YuotRiak is a university professor.

Mr. Henry Yuot has contributed in struggle too, he joined Anyanya Movement in 1965-1967 together with other young South Sudanese students from Rumbek Secondary School. In the bush, arrangement was made that some of them should go back to school and the rest would remain to continue struggle in the bush. Uncle. General Andrew Makur Thow was among who remain in the bush and Mr. Henry Yuot with the rest found their way to Rumbek Secondary School in Omdurman.

Some of his common statements when chatting with his children are as follows:

–      Thank your God in good and praise his name in bad, because everything happens according to his will
–      You shall not covet, meaning that you shall not desire other’s people properties that not belong to you
–      Put your mind and your heart on your little property you have and make effort to make it bigger
–      You shall not regret when you failed to achieve what you planned for, may be it was nota God will
–      Acquire knowledge, it is a key to all successes
–      Marry a good girl from a good family.

He used to say he doesn’t want to get sick that could bother others specially his children. Indeed he died suddenly with heart failure on June 6, 2017 at his home in Wau. He was buried at his home town Yirol on June 9, 2017. His Full Name Henry Yuot Raik Amocepei.


Ater Yuot Riak (Ph.D.)