Wednesday, 5 September 2018

South Sudan: The Impacts of Oil Activities on Communities Inside Oil Operation Zones


By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

The American Oil Company Chevron discovered the oil in Southern Sudan at the end of 1970s and tried to utilize it. However, in 1984 the company stopped its activities because of the war that stared in 1983 between the government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M). During fighting, the government of Sudan used not to consult with local communities when oil companies want to work in their villages. After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) which was signed in 2005, these practices had stopped and communities are consulted when their land is to be used by the oil companies.

After independence in 2011, South Sudan holds more than 75% of the total oil reserves of the previous Sudan. New consortia (operating companies) were formed for oil production and further exploration. South Sudan created Nile Petroleum Corporation (NILEPET) to replace Sudan Petroleum Corporation (SUDAPET) in consortia. With Dar Petroleum Operating Company (DPOC) operating in Northern Upper Nile State, Sudd Petroleum Operating Company (SPOC) and Greater Pioneer Operating Company (GPOC) are operating in Ruweng State and Northern Liech State respectively. 

Oil fields facilities were built in the areas of Melut, Pariang and Tharjath. These facilities include, rigs, pipelines, roads, oil base camps (OBC), wells, electrical power lines, power plant, oil manifold gatherings (OGM), airports, etc. All these facilities were built on communities’ lands as a result they were forced to leave their lands and villages to oil companies. Usually, communities who lost their lands and villages relocate to nearby villages. In new residents, they are not allowed to own a land but only build houses or cultivate. Some communities relocate to nearby towns where they experience difficulties in coping with the urban life that includes owning a plot, schools for children in addition to the daily live expenses.

Communities living inside oil operation zones are faced by the impacts and challenges of oil activities such as impact on environment, loss of lands or villages. Since oil exploration still active, many villages might be lost to oil companies as well. Thus, the communities inside oil operation zones should have been compensated and benefited as a result of oil discovery and activities in their lands.

The most challenge of all is the open disposal of the production water and dumping yards. As a result, the community members settling inside operation zones complain of premature births and frequent rate of abortion among the pregnant women, skin rushes, nausea and headaches with no clear reasons. However, these complains need to be confirmed by intensive health investigation in their areas.  

Currently, the main complaints from the communities inside oil operation zones, relate to compensation for the loss of lands that is been used by the oil industry as a result of its expansion. Compensation is only done when new project is been executed such as new well construction and flow line and then compensation is only paid to affected villages. However, there is no compensation for the road constructed, electricity power lines and crude pipelines from oil fields inside South Sudan through Sudan to Port Sudan. Those facilities have the major share in encroachment to community lands and which were built during war.

The affected village reports any oil activity on their piece of land to Oil Company, which in turn reports the issue to a Committee at County level. This committee then follows the process till the amount is paid to the County Committee.

With the expansion of the oil activities, the rate of lands lost to oil companies and environmental impacts have already become a daily debate topic. Furthermore, loss of villages and agriculture lands of the communities are seriously impacting negatively on their livelihood. For instance, primary and secondary schools, hospitals and clinics and water plants projects were executed. However, these projects represent a very small portion of benefits communities should have received since oil exploitation started by 1993.

Based on the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011 and Petroleum Act 2012, mandate the government of South Sudan and all partners involved in the oil business to protect the right of communities whose lands is used by oil companies, labors and the environment.  Constitution gives the right as well of peaceful union of workers and thus, the WORKERS’ Trade Union of Petroleum and Mining was formed in October 2017. The main objective of the union is to talk on behave of workers’ rights of petroleum and orient them to claim their rights based on the constitution.

The impacts of oil activities on communities inside oil operation zones need to be addressed carefully. Relocation plan would have reduce the impacts mainly on human and environment. New villages with full services need to be built to relocate communities who are still residing inside oil operation zones and who lost their lands to outside oil operation zones. Therefore, there should be a clear compensation mechanism by the government at national and county level with cooperation of oil operating companies.

Development projects for oil communities to gain full benefits of oil discovery in their areas should be the top priority of the government of the Republic of South Sudan (ministry of petroleum, ministry of environment and ministry of labor). This contributes into sustainable operation of the oil and sustainable human development in the oil operation areas and indeed in the whole of South Sudan.

Saturday, 24 March 2018

Andrew Makur Thow (1942-2018)


By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai 

Anya Nya 1 Freedom Fighter and Politician

Andrew Makur Thow was born in 1942 in Yirol, Bahr el Ghazal. He started his education locally in Pankar Elementary School (1954-1958), Tonj Intermediate School (1958-1962), and Rumbek Secondary School (1962-1964). However, he left his studies in 1964 and joined the Anya Nya 1 movement, where he was trained and commissioned as an officer. He proved to be a stringent guerrilla fighter. He had further military training by the Israelis in 1970, and he progressed within Anya Nya 1 until he became the leading commanding officer and deputy to Commander Philip Nanga in Lakes District, Bahr el Ghazal. In 1968, Cdr Andrew Makur Thow became the overall commander in Lakes District. In 1972, he was one of the Anya Nya 1 senior officers who attempted to dissuade General Joseph Lagu from rectifying the Addis Ababa Agreement (AAA).

After the AAA, he was absorbed in the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) as a lieutenant colonel. He served and commanded several battalions in many parts of South Sudan, including the 111th Infantry Battalion in Rumbek (1972-1975), the 105th Infantry, Bor (1975), and the 110th Infantry, Aweil (1976). He was promoted to colonel in 1978 and assigned as 1st Division; Cdr, 12th, Infantry Brigade, Wau (1979-1981); Cdr, Borders Forces; director of military research (1988-1989); and director of the Military Statistics Unit, Khartoum (1989).

The SAF, under the command of Col Andrew Makur Thow, were involved in providing security in the inter-tribal conference between Dinka and Rezeigat Arabs in Sahaha and Babanousa (1977). As an officer in the SAF, he underwent many courses: senior staff and command course, obtaining his master’s degree in military science, Khartoum (1976-1977); national defense studies at High Military Academy, Khartoum (1992); and all courses in Infantry. Major General Andrew Makur Thow is a highly decorated officer. He has nine military and non-military awards.

He held many senior constitutional positions in the regional governments. He was appointed vice president of High Executive Council (HEC) and regional minister of industry, commerce and supply in the government of General Gismalla Abdalla Rasas (October 5, 1981 and June 23, 1982). He held the same ministerial position in the government of the Transitional High Executive Council (THEC) under headship 1st Lt. Gen. Abdel Rahman Mohamed Hassan Sowar Al-Daha, Khartoum (1985-1986). He was elected Member of Parliament (MP) for South Sudan Political Association (SSPA) to represent Bahr el Ghazal graduates in the Constituent Assembly, Omdurman (1986-1989). However, in 1989 he resigned from parliament because Lt Gen Abdel Majid Ahmed Khalil, the minister of defense, recalled him into the army rank of major general. In July 1989 he was appointed governor of Bahr el Ghazal region, Wau (1989-1991).

In 1992, General Andrew Makur Thow was invited to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as ambassador, and he served in many senior ambassadorial positions: director general, administration and finance, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Khartoum (1991-1992); Sudan’s ambassador to Russia, Moscow (1992-1996); director, Crisis Management Department, Khartoum, (1996-1997); director general, Bilateral Relations (1997-1998); director general, Planning and Information (1999); and the Sudan’s ambassador to Rome (1991-2003). In December 2003 Major General Makur Thow was transferred to the Ministry of Khartoum.

After Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), Major General Andrew Makur Thow, a member of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), was appointed as presidential advisor in the Government of National Unity (GoNU), Khartoum (2005-2011). After Independence, he was appointed eminent member of the national dialogue 2016 until he died in March 13, 2018. General Makur Thow bless with great family and have children and grandchildren.

By his death, Major Gen. Andrew Makur Thow has left behind a big void to South Sudan leadership. Such a prominent leader with multiple tasks; intelligent military man, politician, diplomat, and indeed a peace maker not easy to find.

Adopted from:
Kuyuk A, (2015). South Sudan the Notable Firsts, pp. (247-248). Author House, UK   

Friday, 24 November 2017

Who are the People called Atuot and where did they come from?

By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

I am not anthropologist but as an Atuot (Apak) native I am interesting and eager to share the uniqueness of Atuot people as many are confused how come they are Dinka and they speak language very similar to Nuer? What is their origin and where did they come from? How they combined Dinka and Nuer ethnicities? I feel curious and would love to attempt answering the above questions on the following paragraphs about Atuot people of Western Yirol.

An American scholar John W. Burton (1952-2013) conducted anthropological fieldwork among the Atuot people as they narrated to him in 1970s. John was graciously helped by renowned South Sudanese ambassador, diplomat and scholar, Dr. Francis Mading Deng. His study was one of the best anthropology biographies done on people but need more elaboration from Atuot people themselves.

A number of Nilelots elder people said that all the people-Dinka, Nuer and Atuot-came from a place called adekdit, a Dinka term with a most interesting meaning. In colloquial usage it refers to a body of water so vast a bird would be unable to cross its expanse without dying. Adekdit for Nilelotes could referred to Mediterranean Sea or Red Sea. They claimed have had come from where the Sun shines and from the north. When Arabs and Muslims invaded northern Sudan through Red Sea and Egypt at around 700s, the Nilelotes were pushed back to the South of Khartoum. At around 1500s, the Funj kingdom conquered much of Sudan and indeed the DinkaShillukNuer and Azande lands were also affected. After collapsed of Funj kingdom, the Nilelotes have officially separated for the Funj kingdom but again Sudan is conquered by Turkish, Egypt and British between 1821 and 1955.

After they have lived in Adekdit long time ago around creation, the Nilelotes stayed in a camp called Akorthaar or Akorlil. As usual traditions of the more pastoral South Sudanese Nilelotes, the initial cause of dispute which led to separation occurred in relations to cattle. After some time of harmony, the Nilelotes separated and it was not cleared when the separation occurred? Most of the Nilelotes people count back their ancestors down to seven or eight. Assume the average age of each ancestor is 60 years then the separation should have occurred around 1537. However, this assumption need more research and elaboration from Nilelotes anthropologists.

The literal translation of the name Akorthaar is 'under the tree called akor'. Akorlil can be glossed as 'at the tree called akor in the type of pasture called lil' or 'the place of the fight in lil. The Adok and Nuong peoples of western Nuerland refer to the same camp as Tharjath, 'under the tree'.

John W. Burton traced the origin of Atuotland in his writings that the present area of Atuot settlement used to share the boundaries with the Shilluk kingdom. He further added that the original place of the Luo was south of Yirol in what is now Atuotland. At the time the Atuot started invading the land and hard fighting ensued, under Dimo's grandson Ajak the Jo Luo left the land of their birth for good. It was estimated that Nuer and Atuot have resided the area west of Shambe (harbor at White Nile river east of Yirol) and to the north and west, the Shilluk at around 1650s.

'Who are the people called Atuot'?
Atuot is divided into two main sections: Reel and Apak, Reel is classified to Luac, Jilek, Akot, Rorkec and Kuek. The Apak are an exception to this classification in a number of ways. Their language can correctly be called 'Dinka'. They are the largest Atuot section and the least ethnically homogenous.

The texts presented below are representative of a great many others collected by John W. Burton in response to the question 'where did the Atuot first come from?'
An elder chief of the Kuek Atuot, Barnaba Madeo Bol Angui, replied,

There is always a certain amount of envy and enmity between brothers. The words we hear from the old people when we were children say we were part of Nuer. They were brothers, Reel and Nuer, and had a quarrel over the bead called tik yang. Reel could not find the bead once and accused Nuer that his cow had swallowed it. Reel said the cow would have to be killed so the bead could be retrieved. This was done, but they found that the cow had not eaten it. Then they fought, but later settled by making an oath. They said if we stay together we will always go on killing each other, so Reel left. Reel left a bull (tut) tethered in the camp then rounded up the families to move by night. When Nuer later returned to the camp and heard the bull crying, he thought Reel was still about. He stayed for one day but then realized that Reel had left and was already too far away to follow. Reel went until the people came to this place and lived in the cattle camp called Panther (a Dinka term meaning the ancient home).  

A second variant, collected among the Luac Atuot, also suggests the initial dispute which led to separation involved cattle,

At one time the father of Nuer and Reel became very old and he told his sons to come early in the morning to his bedside so he could divide his cow and calf between them. They left together but Nuer went off on his own a short while later because he had arranged to meet a woman. Reel came very early the next morning and took the calf, while Nuer appeared much later in the day because he had been with his woman. He found that only the old cow remained. Then the father died. Nuer later accused Reel of stealing the calf but Reel retorted that if Nuer did not know where it was he had better remain quiet. They killed and ate the old cow and then departed. Because they had eaten together they vowed never to fight each other.

A third variant, collected from the Akot Atuot elder told me,

Long ago we were Nuer. One of the sons was killed and the others left Akorlil and crossed through the Ceic Dinka area. When they came to Panther they found Luac and Kuek already there. Luac gave them a daughter to marry and they became in-laws.

The last variant, number of additional texts were collected from chiefs of the Nuong and Adok Nuer, peoples with whom some sections of Atuot share inland dry-season pastures. They can be summarized as follows:

One time a cow of Jagei (Nuer) swallowed a bead belonging to Tuot (Atuot). The cow had been tethered in the camp and left behind when the other cows were released for grazing because it was calving. Tuot claimed that since the cow of Jagei had swallowed the bead, it would have to be cut open to bring it out. This was done but the bead was not found. At the time no one had seen a kite swoop down and make off with the bead, tik yang. Jagei became very angry with Tuot because the cow was to have given birth but was now dead. He demanded to fight with Tuot, who refused, and suggested instead that he would replace the dead animal with three healthy cows of his own. Jagei refused and once more demanded to fight. Tuot persisted for a settlement but to no avail. Tuot then decided to leave the camp secretly to avoid a fight. He tethered a bull in the camp to deceive Jagei into thinking he had not left. The next day Tuot was already far away, leaving behind him his father Reel and his younger brother Thiang. Thiang later refused to stay with his brother Jagei when he learned how he had mistreated Tuot. Thiang crossed the Bahr-el-Jebel. The father Reel stayed with Jagei and died in western Nuerland. Tuot later became known as Atuot and went to live where Atuot now stay. The Nuer used to be called Reel because their father was Reel.

From the above the texts, it was cleared that Reel was the younger son without a wife, eager to increase his number, since he makes off with the cow calf, a symbol for the potential growth of a family and herd. The texts shown clearly that it was Atuot who left the Nuerland and common sense would attest to this since the Nuer are ten to twelve times as numerous as the Atuot. It is curious however, that in the Atuot language the term nuer means 'human being' while in Dinka and Nuer the term raan (human being) is employed.

As noted, Atuot share in common this quasi-historical account of their migration from Nuerland. However, there is considerable disparity in the more numerous tales which explain the origin of each section and clans within sections. These convey the impression that there was a greater amount of movement across 'tribal boundaries' than has commonly been accepted. For example, the Apak section includes clans which claim hereditary descent from the ancestor Reel, from peoples who migrated into Apak territory from Bor Dinkaland on the east bank of the Nile as well as others who initially came from equatoria areas, to the south.

In broad perspective the more general process of migration and eventual re-settlement would seem to have entailed similar events. The initial Atuot immigrants exploited the resources of the riverine pastures which extend from Atuotland into western Nuerland en route south. Having established some number of cattle camps in what is now Atuotland, indigenous blacksmiths and trappers 'became' Atuot through inter-marriage.

Linguistic authorities classified Atuot language as a 'dialect cluster' of the Nuer language, but a little difficulty is realized between western Nuer and Atuot dialect. The Atuot then was a section of the Nuer who are today separated from them by Dinka tribes.

Atuot people do not call themselves with this name but they go by Reel and Apak. However, there are many stories about the origin term of Atuot. In the Nuer language ngut atuot refers to a 'bull kept for service; not to be castrated' and gatuot, 'aristocrat, the most noble of the tribe' this translates the compound word gatatuot as 'sons of chiefs or bulls. Among the western Dinka, atuot can refer to a type of cow with especially wide-spreading horns, thought to originate in Atuotland. In the Atuot, Nuer and Dinka languages the noun tuot refers to the spur- winged goose.

The scholar John W. Burton added in his research regarding the origin of Atuot name, he said, Dowait was mentioned as the name of the man who remained in the home land at the head of a group of Luo, while the rest emigrated. The homeland, according to general Luo custom, was probably PaDowait, place of Dowaat', a name which was then or later became the designation of the whole group which remained behind. Possibly or mainly under Dinka influence, the name underwent a gradual change: Pa- Dowiit became Pa-Dowaat and Pa-Dwot; then (P) Aduot and Atwot.

It has come to my attention and from the anthropology study done by John W. Burton that Atuot people went through many ethnical and linguistic changes but their Reel language still very much sound like Nuer language. This clearly proved their uniqueness, they speak Reel and face no difficulties to speak Dinka. Therefore, it’s well accepted that Reel is a clan within Atuot people, but the question is who are Reel within Atuot people? This question needs more research and if any of Atuot’s sections narrated its original until last to Reel that could the Reel within Atuot. 

The current Atuot people area were inhabitants by hunters and blacksmiths who also become part of Atuot people ancestors. It was not mentioned what was the ethnicity and language of those hunters and blacksmiths. However, it seems they have come from nearby areas of Dinka Ciec, Dinka Bor, Equatoria (Mundari and Moro) and Dinka Agar. In this regard, the current Atuot people is a combination of several ethnicity groups, Nuong and Adok Nuer, Dinka and Equatoria people.
No question, Atuot ethnicity has merged into Dinka from long time ago and thus their songs, proverbs and poets are all in Dinka language. Their cattle are not kept in Luaks as Nuer people are doing, their food, their homes and other social activities are the same with other Lakes people. Atuot cultural activities is completely dominated by Dinka who’s their origin if not all from Nuer of Nuong and Adok.

Atuot people with their uniqueness has transformed throughout history and become Dinka of Yirol West as they are now.  During British administration in Sudan, Atuot administration has been relocated several times to Upper Nile (Bor district), Equatoria as they looks similar to Mundari tribe and lastly to Bahr el Ghzal Yirol West. Atuot then has become known as the administration name of Yirol West with its six sections, Apaak, Kuek, Rorkec, Akot, Jilek and Luac.

Source:


John W. Burton.  Atuot Ethnicity: An Aspect of Nilotic Ethnology, Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 51, No. 1 (1981), pp. 496-507, Cambridge University Press. 

Wednesday, 20 September 2017

Electricity Service?: Not Yet True For South Sudan

By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

The basic requirement of any country’s sustainable economic development is access to abundant and reliable electricity supply. A country without access to a proper electricity service her economy is described as floating. Electricity is a prime mover of any economy, without it, factories do not operate, modern equipment such as computers may not function.  Furthermore, health institutions cannot perform their duties at day/night times, students cannot do their home works at day/night times as well.

Electricity improves quality of living standard both in urban and rural areas. By powering offices, schools and household appliances we ensure comfortable working place for staff. Outdoor and street lighting provide safe movement and reduce criminal’s activities at night times. However, lack of access to financial capital is the most challenge facing government of South Sudan to establish sustainable electricity supply. Overall country’s security remains a priority if not the extreme requirement to all sustainable economic development.

Electricity is produced by South Sudan Electricity Corporation from thermal sources with diesel being the only available fossil fuel used for electricity generation. There is no strategic reserve fuel stock to facilitate emergency stockpiling. This represents a number of limitations in terms of large investments and restrictions in coverage – currently only 1% of the population, including the government, have access to intermittent electricity supplies. There are 3 small diesel generation units installed in Juba, Wau and Malakal with maximum capacity of 17 MW, 8 MW and 5 MW respectively. There are also other small scale diesel generation installed in Rumbek, Bor, Yambio and Renk.

The current total operational capacity is less than 20 MW with only 17,000 customers connected to 3 localized distribution networks. Electricity is strictly supplied to industrial or commercial users in which there is no transmission grid existed, except that operating in Northern Upper Nile State to only supply electric power to central oilfield facilities. Due to common breaks of electric power and shortage of diesel, citizens, commercials users, health centers, schools, non-governmental organizations and even government are shifting to electricity based solar panels. It looks like solar energy systems can make relatively good business in Juba and other areas in South Sudan.

Initially and according to the United Nations, there are levels of the quantity of electricity required to meet our daily basic needs.


–     First, Base level (50-100 kWh): This electricity is used to supply basic needs such as cooking, heating, lighting, communication, healthcare and education


–     Second,  Productive Level (500 kWh): This energy is used to improve productivity for instance, water pumping for irrigation, fertilizer manufacture, mechanized tilling, agricultural processing, cottage industry, and transport fuel

–     Third, West Level (2000 kWh): Standards of those living in the West required to number of domestic appliances, increased demands for cooling and heating (space and water) and private transportation

–     Unclassified Level (16 kWh): Standard use in South Sudanese to meet daily basic needs per person. This quantity of electricity is insufficient and substantially less than neighboring countries to meet the basic needs. The following are recommendations to be considered for sustainable electricity generation and supply in South Sudan:


–     Incorporate other primary energy sources to the electricity mix and support the government plan to divert some crude oil into electricity generation–     Identify hydro power sites to construct dams for electricity generations and water irrigation system
–     Attain and promote the further possibility of obtaining international funding and expertise with which to build the electricity sector and incorporate renewable energy
–     Develop an electricity sector which can be well-ingratiated with neighboring grids so that the country can become a net electricity exporter
–     Also allow for the import of electricity which serves to facilitate access and the security of electricity supply

If such electricity is produced via renewable (predominately hydro power) then more quantities of crude oil could be exported, strengthening its position as a net energy exporter and using profits to further develop and integrate other types of infrastructure connections with other countries. In addition, and for all above, any electrification project is harmonized across the various government levels and non-governmental bodies – from the city and municipalities to the counties down to the Payams and Bomas.

Development of energy policy should launch renewable based energy policies to either protect or take advantage of the country’s rich resources in a sustainable manner. Despite holding sizable quantities of oil, South Sudan is facing a severe energy access crisis with only 1% of the population able to access mains electricity. Diesel oil is currently the principal provider of energy but is far from a sustainable or practical option. Renewable energy resources are plentiful with hydroelectricity providing 24453 GWh, biomass, biogas and waste 9134 GWh collectively, and solar energy capable of supplying electricity up to 4183 TWh.

Large-scale infrastructural development should be one of the country’s top priorities particularly expansion of electricity provision. This needs to be done via an increase generation, transmission and distribution of sustainable and reliable electricity. The target number of customers receiving electricity is hoped to go from 22,000 to 48,000. Installed capacity is likewise expected to rise from 27.4 to 96.4 MW. The aim is to increase power supply to state capitals to 50 MW from the 2010 baseline of 30 MW.


Wednesday, 5 July 2017

Henry Yuot Riak (1945-2017)

By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

Agriculturist and University Servant

Yuot Riak the last born of Mr. Riak Amocepei and Mrs. Ipuoc Madat was a brother to Pilot and Police Officer Mathew Madding Riak. He was born in 1945 in Aluakluak Village, Yirol, Lakes District, Bahr el Ghazal and was baptized by name Henry in school. He started his education in Akot Elementary School (1958-1962), Tonj Intermediate School (1962-1966), he entered Rumbek Secondary School(1966-1970). He was admitted to University of Juba by 1980 where he graduated with Bachelor of Science (Honors) at the College of Natural Resources and Environmental Studies (Crop Science) in 1986.

He started working as agricultural officer in Agricultural Research’s Sachem Sinnar from 1971 to 1976. Then he served in various positions in South Sudan: from 1976 to 1980 he served as Agriculture Assistance, Seed Programme for Program Development Unit (PDU) funded by the World Bank, Western Equatoria, Yei. He served as agricultural inspector at the Ministry of Agricultural and Animal Resources in the regional government of Western Barh El Ghazal State Wau, from 1989 to 1991. And from 1991 to 1993 he served as first-commissioner for Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC), Wau.

When University of Bahr el Ghazal established in 1991 he joined the University by 1993 as a deputy director for Investment and Agricultural Production. By 1997 he was attached to University of Upper Nile,another new established university as Director for Investment Projects in Renk Upper Nile State. He returned to University of Bahr el Ghzaal as Director for Investment from 2003 to 2017.

Mr. Henry invested his time on his children, three boys and one girl and all are university graduates. He used to tell his children Iwill support your education up to university level. Indeed, he did fulfill what he said. He was a great coach, he was closely following the performance of his children in schools. He used to visit the class of each of his children to get feedback. His leadership will continue beyond his family because he believes good leadership starts at home. He has prepared his children for tomorrow leaders.

His wife Alak Maguen did not go to school but she was the one monitoring and put their children into schools. He taught his beloved wife that at seven year a child must be put into school, she understood the lesson and did it properly. He used to teach his children and he made himself as their private teacher at home. He start with his elder son Dr. Ater YuotRiak (Ph.D.) who in turn became a teacher to his younger brothers and sister. His children are always at top ten in their classes in the school. This has taught his children that sharing a little knowledge you have with others is a great achievement. Now his elder son Mr. Ater YuotRiak is a university professor.

Mr. Henry Yuot has contributed in struggle too, he joined Anyanya Movement in 1965-1967 together with other young South Sudanese students from Rumbek Secondary School. In the bush, arrangement was made that some of them should go back to school and the rest would remain to continue struggle in the bush. Uncle. General Andrew Makur Thow was among who remain in the bush and Mr. Henry Yuot with the rest found their way to Rumbek Secondary School in Omdurman.

Some of his common statements when chatting with his children are as follows:

      Thank your God in good and praise his name in bad, because everything happens according to his will
      You shall not covet, meaning that you shall not desire other’s people properties that not belong to you
      Put your mind and your heart on your little property you have and make effort to make it bigger
      You shall not regret when you failed to achieve what you planned for, may be it was nota God will
      Acquire knowledge, it is a key to all successes
      Marry a good girl from a good family.

He used to say he doesn’t want to get sick that could bother others specially his children. Indeed he died suddenly with heart failure on June 6, 2017 at his home in Wau. He was buried at his home town Yirol on June 9, 2017. His Full Name Henry Yuot Raik Amocepei.


Ater Yuot Riak (Ph.D.)

Wednesday, 28 June 2017

Challenges of Oil and Gas Industry in South Sudan

By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

Oil exploration in Sudan was first initiated by Italy’s Agip, France Total, and Dutch Shell oil companies in the red sea region but they were not successful in their exploration efforts. After the end of the first civil war in 1972, the American oil company Chevron was granted concession in the southern regions of Sudan.

The first oil fields in South Sudan were discovered at the region of Bentiu but Chevron suspended its operations in February 1984 as the second civil war erupted in South Sudan in 1983. In1994, the Canadian Arakis Energy Corporation started operated in the Sudan oil industry. In 1996, Arakis sold 75% of its shares to the China National Corporation Petroleum Company (CNPC).

The oil production started with only 2000 barrel/day in 1993 and increased to more than 434,000 barrels/day by the late of 2006. Oil production peaked up at an average of almost 500,000 barrels/day in 2007. This by then made Sudan the Africa’s fifth largest oil producer.

Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company (GNPOC) began to build a 1,540 km oil pipeline, which started in 1997 and completed by 1999 from the oil fields inside South Sudan to a marine export terminal on the Red Sea (Port Sudan). From 2006 the Thar Jath oil field south of Bentiu began exporting oil through the GNPOC pipeline. A pipeline (1,400 km) from Adar Yale oil field through Paloch and the Central Processing Facility (CPF) in Al Jabalayn (Sudan) to Port Sudan was constructed between 2004 and 2006.

After independence by 2011, South Sudan holds more than 75% of the total oil reserves of the previous Sudan. However, South Sudan remains and still in need of Sudan oil infrastructures facilities and ports in order to export its crude oil to international market. New consortia (operating companies) were formed for oil production and further exploration. South Sudan created Nile Petroleum Corporation (NILEPET) to replace Sudan Petroleum Corporation (SUDAPET) in the consortia. With Dar Petroleum Operating Company (DPOC) operating in Northern Upper Nile State, Sudd Petroleum Operating Company (SPOC) and Greater Petroleum Operating Company (GPOC) are operating in Ruweng state and Northern Liech state respectively. 

At the present, the CNPC, PETRONAS Malaysia, India’s Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) are the major oil producers in South Sudan. NILEPET is the only state owned company represented in the oil industry with a limited function of recruiting nationals into oil operating companies (DPOC, GPOC, and SPOC).

Before 2013 crisis, the oil production stands at around 250,000 barrel/day in South Sudan. 200,000 barrel/day produced by block 3 and 7 Melut Basin Oil field in Northern Upper Nile State and the rest of 50,000 barrel/day produced by block 1 in Ruweng state and Northern Lich state.

After crisis, production dropped to 160,000 barrel/day. Ruweng state and Northern Liceh state oil fields are not any longer operational. The current and only operating field is Melut Basin Oil field Northern Upper Nile state. At the moment, block 3 & 7 is producing around 125,000 barrels/day. This amount is decreasing month by month despite of many efforts introduced to increase it.

Oil industry in South Sudan is faced with many serious challenges. The country national budget is badly dependent on oil revenues, making it the most oil dependent country in the world. Current oil facilities are aging, for instance, in block 3 & 7, water cut out of total gross production stands at 77%, and that by end of the year 2020 this rate will reach 90%. Operation is still being disturbed by rebels and this makes security of oil operation in Block 3 & 7 extremely important.

The most challenge factor to the future of oil industry in South Sudan is the management of its operations. Since 2012, the managing company of oil industry (NILEPET) focuses on downstream, the sale and commercialization section of oil products and ignored the exploration and production (E & P) section. This technical section of the industry is the core of the oil industry in South Sudan and should be understood this industry to flourish. Focusing only on cashing and ignored the core technical part of the industry may lead to a serious mismanagement phenomena known as kleptocracy. A phenomena if not seriously and well address could nominate collapsing of oil industry in South Sudan as a great potential. Thus, the oil industry in South Sudan would be discussed as part of the event that occurred and ended sometime.

Share negotiation with major contributors, CNPC (41%) and PETRONAS (40%) should continue to raise NILEPET current share 8% for example to 15%. It is then recommended that talented South Sudanese with technical qualifications (engineers, geologies, technicians, etc.) are to be trained and gradually to take over critical responsibilities especially in E & P section. This could be the beginning to South Sudan to start establishing her own operating company by South Sudanese when put the national interest of our country first.

The paper is also intending to achieve, low ostentatious spending, government trust, tax money spend wisely, giant saving, invest before spending and long term plan. The current and successors NILEPET managements are advised to start the initiative and improved production and operations of oil industry in South Sudan for public high gain by considering the following points:

-        Trust to be maintain that money is not going to be mismanaged
-        Investment in public projects such as, roads, schools, hospitals, etc.
-        Saving and reduce unnecessary spending
-        High levels of trust make economic growth easier and created homogeneous society
-  Oil will run out therefore, other sources of income need to be introduced by investing in commodity rather than oil such as agriculture and mining
-   Current oil facilities are aging, new facilities to be built such as refineries, wells, pipelines, technology change
-        Spending on research, training and development of South Sudanese to oil industry

The historical review and challenges of oil production and operations in South Sudan might not be news to other readers. The solutions mentioned above to overcome the challenges facing oil industry will sustain the operations of oil industry in South Sudan. Sharing such discussion will make information on oil industry public with high trust. Last and not least we need to ask ourselves this question: what are we doing in oil industry but not what are we getting?


Ater Yuot Riak, (Ph.D.)
Leading Energy Expert

Mob: +211920002329

Monday, 14 November 2016

Challenges of established 28 states in South Sudan

By Ater Yuot R. Amogpai

In the last article titled “the economic benefits of newly established 28 states” we discussed the economic benefits of 28 states. We reviewed with detailed the available natural resources in each state and how to enhance them. Potential result was that jobs will be created as industries are established. The projection then showed that economic situation will be improved gradually with production adaptation.

In this article, we will discuss the challenges that are facing each state so as to establish a strong economic and creation of jobs and income generation.

Security has widely proved as the main challenge and priority of each state in South Sudan. Many disputes have already appeared between different states. To pick some examples, dispute between Eastern Nile State and Western Nile State (now Fashoda State)Tonj State, Raja State etc. However, the serious one was still and that between Fashoda State and Eastern Nile State. Precisely, the dispute was focusing on Malakal identity the largest town in Upper Nile region. 

Many reviewed 28 states as ethnic based established states, therefore, something group have already started demanded separate states. Sometimes, the rivalry between different ethnic groups went destruction rather than constructive in one state.

It is expected that the current number of 28 states will increase, since many applications are already lying on the President Office desk. It looks like most of these applications if not all of them will be accepted.

The absent of transportation network, such as roads, adequate airports, river transportation placed a real challenge on development spark. Telecommunications and internet network is not less important than transportation network. This make it difficult to goods mobility between states as well as deepened and increase security challenge across states.
Modernization started with proper access to electricity. Electricity access across South Sudan states is characterized with poor quality or not available at all. It is not possible to established industries without electric power.

A committee to be formed mainly to disputes states to address their problems. The committee may include experts (foreigners) to identify and demarcate borders between states, local leaders from disputes states, security experts, etc.

To start, each state should first give priority to road network construction. If each state does so, a whole country will be connected with paved roads.

Each state may start enhancing their energy resource to build electric power station. Some states, such as that of eastern part of Equatoria and far western Bahr el Ghazal states have hydro-power sites which can be used to build mini-hydro-power plants. Upper Nile states could enhance crude oil to produce electricity. Then after, the national grid will be ringed from these network.


All South Sudanese should now work to restore peace. This will secure free mind to think properly toward development. This is a collective work to each citizen at his/her location to contribute and bring our country to calm and safety.